THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE 1434-1492 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE UNDER THE DOMINATION OF COSIMO, PIERO, LORENZO DE' MEDICIS 1434-1492 .-T PERRENS ,\ \ MEMBER OF THE INSTITUTE TRANSLATED FROM THE FRENCH BY HANNAH LYNCH *V* METHUEN & CO. 36 ESSEX STREET, \V.C. LONDON 1892 Printed by BALLANTYNE, HANSON & Co. At the Ballantyne Press CONTENTS Book 5. THE DOMINATION OF COSIMO DE' MEDICIS. CHAPTER I. PAGE ESTABLISHMENT OF COSIMO'g POWER BY FORKIGN POLICY AND WAR (1435-1440 I CHAPTER II. ESTABLISHMENT OF COSIMO BY HIS HOME POLICY (1435-1444) . 4! CHAPTER III. COSIMO'S DOMINATION — WARS AND NEGOTIATIONS FOIt THE SUCCES- SION OF THE VISCONTI (1442-1450) 64 CHAPTER IV. COSIMO'S RULE — WARS AND NEGOTIATIONS WITH VKNICK AND NAPLES (1450-1454) 99 CHAPTER V. LAST YEARS OF COSIMO (1454-1464) 124 CHAPTER VI. I. LITERS AND ARTS UNDER COSIMO DE! MEDICIS . . . .171 vii viii CONTENTS CHAPTER I. PAOK PIERO DE' MEDICIS (1464-1469) 228 CHAPTER II. LORENZO DE' MEDICIS — THE CONSPIRACY OF THE PAZZI (1469-1478) 266 CHAPTER III. LORENZO DE' MEDICIS IN STRIFE WITH THE HOLY SEE (1478-1480) 316 CHAPTER IV. LORKNZO DE' MEDICIS FROM HIS RECONCILIATION WITH THE HOLY SEE TO THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE ITALIAN EQUILIBRIUM (1480-1491) .......... 360 CHAPTER V. THE DOMINATION OF LORENZO DEJ MEDICIS IN FLORENCE UNTIL HIS DEATH (1481-1492) ......... 403 CHAPTER VI. LETTERS AND ARTS UNDER LORENZO DE' MEDICIS .... 434 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. BOOK I. THE DOMINATION OF COSIMO DE' MEDICIS. CHAPTER I. ESTABLISHMENT OF COSIMO'S POWER BY FOREIGN POLICY AND WAR. I435-I44I. Foreign policy of Cosimo — His alliance with Francesco Sforza — The league with Venice renewed — Sforza captain-general (June 1435) — Hostilities of Sforza in the States of the Church and of Fortebracci in Tuscany — Peace of Ferrara (August 20) — Florence engaged in the war for the succession of Naples — Help sent to the Genoese against Milan — Consecration of S. M. del Fiore by Eugene IV. (March 25, 1436) — He leaves Florence — Intrigues of Rinaldo des Albizzi with the Duke of Milan — Piccinino on the frontier of Lucca — He is beaten by Sforza and Neri Capponi (February 8, 1437) — New enterprise for the conquest of Lucca — Sforza called into Lombardy by the Venetians (October) — Embassy of Cosimo in Venice (April 1438) — Truce of three years (April 28)— Underhand manoeuvres of Filippo-Maria and of Piccinino — Sforza in the pay of Venice and Florence (February 19, 1439)— Embassy of Neri Capponi in Venice— Campaign of Sforza in Lombardy — The war brought into Tuscany (February 7, 1440) — Sforza engaged by the Venetians — Success of Piccinino round Florence (April) — Agitation in Florence — Neri Capponi beats back the enemy — Piccinino called into the Casentino by the Count of Poppi— Battle of Anghiari (June 29) — Defeat and retreat of Piccinino — Consequence of victory — Fresh persecutions of the exiled — Fate of Rinaldo des Albizzi and his family— Expulsion of the Count of Poppi (July 31) — Campaigns of Lombardy (1440-1441) — Exactions of Piccinino — Marriage of Sforza (October 24) — Peace of Cavriana (November 20). EECALLED from exile by his countrymen,1 brought back in triumph, Cosimo de' Medicis can no longer be regarded as a simple citizen. This upstart merchant reigned over Florence, so 1 See Histoire de Florence depuis ses origines jusqi? a la domination des Meaicis, vol. vi. book xii. c. 3, 4- Paris, 1883. VOL. I. A 2 COSIMO DE' MEDICIS. [i43S to say, but we must also admit that he reigned solely by force of opinion. He would not have stood his ground twenty-four hours if he had not represented a great party — those conquered by the democracy, the victims of the oligarchy. His return for them was a long-desired vengeance, and their satisfaction was his strength. It was by means of their faithful and inte- rested support that he was able to establish his power, pro- scribe his principal enemies, and attach the rest to himself, transform the power of influence into the power of authority and action, and Florentine instability, that secular plague, into stability. This was certainly not the work of a day. The slow pro- gress of this hypocritical encroachment alone explains the error of some of our contemporaries regarding the role of Cosimo. Barely seeing his name upon documents, they are persuaded, and would fain persuade us too, that nothing was changed in Florence; that there was but one Florentine the more; that the establishment of monarchical power was of later date, when Piero, Cosimo's son, rid himself by exile of the chief hangers-on of the oligarchical factions, that is, in I466.1 But they mistake appearance for reality ; they forget the precedents of history. Cosimo has often been compared to Octavius Augustus, and, all proportions preserved, there are many points of resemblance between them ; there is none more apparent than this prudent and progressive seizure of posses- sion. In Florence under Cosimo, as in Rome under Augustus, the Republic practically ceased to exist, although these two patient usurpers feigned to respect the forms, manoeuvring for and obtaining the functions. From his palace, where he kept himself aloof, Cosimo governed with no less mastery than Augustus had done, than Maso des Albizzi did before him ; and between him and this last named there is this great 1 This is the opinion of M. Pellegrini. On the contrary, M. Villari thinks, as we do, that Cosimo was absolute master, preserving the appearance of a simple individual. See Niccolb Machiavelli e i suoi tempi, vol. i. p. 44-45. Flor., 1877-82. 1435] MASTER OF FLORENCE. 3 difference, that, Maso dead, his son Rinaldo, although capable, is disputed recognition as virtual chief of the town, whereas upon Cosimo's death, his heir, Piero, though incapable and impotent, is recognised as his successor almost without contest. This progress supposes a slow and underhand work ; that we must not deny, even when at the start we do not grasp, day by day, in detail, the results. To cry "Thief!" the Florentines waited until the thief was their master. They were not ex- perienced in usurpations and in usurpers. But the fact is saliently evident even in the silence of documents. The old history is for once right, and not the new. It is the first impression that is good, and we must know how to hold to it. Thanks to the satisfied revenge of the insignificant, Cosimo seized the place that Rinaldo had not been able to take, though it had been prepared for him by his father. But he knew too well how fleeting is the kindness of the gods not to procure his citizens other sources of contentment. His rare sagacity penetrated that which was unseen by others, the spirit of the wearied Florentines, leaning to peaceful servitude rather than agitated freedom, which disposed them unconsciously to subjec- tion. In order to turn them from politics, he impelled them towards trade and industry, towards letters and art. To succeed, violence was not necessary on his side nor on theirs. They willingly called him the " great merchant ! " * For centuries the sacrifice of lucrative work to ruinous wars was painful to Florence. A taste for arts and letters was at this time spread over Tuscany and all Italy. To increase and protect it, to encourage the growth of work and the development of wealth, were good means of government. There were others less edifying in the public career of this far-seeing politician, but we must not overload him with blame, nor forget that in the fifteenth cen- tury— century of adventurers and bastards2 — the curtain of 1 Luca Landucci, Diario fiorentino dal 1450 al 1516, published and annotated by M. Jodoco del Baclia, Flor., 1883, p. 3. 2 According to Borso d'Este in Ferrara, Sigismondo Malatesta in Rimini, Francesco Sforza in Milan, Ferrante of Aragon in Naples, and many others. 4 POLICY OF COSIMO. t'435 honour, to quote Gonsalvo of Cordova, was loosely woven ; that already the revolting theory of success, whose laws Machiavelli later set down, was wide-spread and deeply planted, and that at this hour of history it was almost a virtue to replace violence by cunning, and cynicism by hypocrisy.1 Saluted upon his return with universal applause, Cosimo could count upon peace in Florence ; but would he enjoy out- side such peace as was necessary to the establishment of his power ? Neither the future nor even the present was sparing of threat. Until then, he had only found friends among the foreign nobles ; but was not their friendship for an exile another form of enmity for the Eepublic ? Would they not welcome the fresh exiles, aid them in their devices, lend themselves to any league, to any warlike design ? And in this event the " great merchant " would hardly be their open foe. He had about as little of the military instinct and the taste for fighting as his ancestors and the rest of his country- men— an hereditary and henceforth incurable evil. Thus Florence was obliged to hire a condottiere, and Cosimo cast his eyes upon Francesco Sforza.2 He might have chosen worse. Born at San Miniato al Tedesco, upon Florentine territory, of a woman of the country,3 Sforza was not altogether a stranger. Tuscany was proud of this celebrated half-Tuscan. Although a bastard, at twenty- three he had replaced his father in the command of his army, and was recognised by all the captains ; * then, at the age of thirty-five, he had married Bianca, the illegitimate daughter of the Duke of Milan, Filippo Maria, and sole heiress,5 a mere child, twenty-four years younger than he. Strong, brave upon 1 Leo is too favourable to Cosimo and Sismondi too hostile. The one, a true Teuton, delights in the spectacle of growing Cesarism ; the other cannot forgive the conqueror an aristocracy where he saw liberty, and fails to distinguish in him the good from the eviL 8 Fabroni, Magni Cosmi Medicei vita, p. 53. 3 July 23, 1401. His mother was called Lucia Frezzania. * Bonincontri, xxi. 82 ; Simoneta, xxi. 188, 202. 6 Litta, Famiglie italiane. Visconti Family. J435] ALLIANCE WITH SFORZA. 5 necessity, capable of fixed ideas and turned to evil by interest or by hate,1 he inspired distrust and forced others to reckon with him.2 Filippo Maria seized countless pretexts to escape the fulfil- ment of his promise,3 and it became necessary for Sforza to compel him to keep it. He was strong in his resources. In his army lay the hope of his independence, but he needed money to support it. Money was not difficult to find. Venice and Florence were rich enough to pay their servants, but they were hand-in-glove with the Pope, Eugene IV., whom Sforza suspected of a design to poison him,4 and whom he defied by dating his letters ex Girifalco nostro Firmiano, invito Petro et Paulo? It was a hard and uncertain step to make overtures to him ; however, if he refused, he had only to turn to the adventurers Bracceschi, who were unalterably devoted to the Visconti, whom he wished to intimidate and reduce to their proper limits.6 There was no longer any doubt : like Cosimo, Sforza desired equilibrium in Italy, and at least provisional peace. It was impossible for them to escape a mutual under- standing. Peace by equilibrium was a policy. How much more serious even than that which from the year 1428 strove to unite all the states of Italy in a single league, forcing upon them the imaginary obligation of punishing whichever of the contrac- tors broke his word ? 7 Cosimo's views were more practical, if less broad. He shut his eyes upon the devices of one portion of his enemies to gather all his efforts to one point, and, if 1 Ricotti, iii. 103, 104. 2 Cavalcanti speaks of his shameful actions, calls him wicked robber, mad and bestial, but more of a felon than a madman (Seconda Storia, c. 1 8, 19, ii. 170-172, 202). 3 M. Ant. Sabellico, Rerum Venetianim, Dec. III., book iii. f. 589. Venice, I7J8. 4 The project of poisoning was known through Baldassare d'Offida, who was in the Pope's service. Was the Pope concerned in it ? One cannot say. See Simoneta, book iv. xxi. 255, 256. 5 All authors report this bravada. See Machiavelli, 1st. Fior., book v. p. 67 A. 6 Ricotti, iii. 51, 52; Sismondi, vi. 31. 7 December 9, 1428. Osio, Doc. diploin., ii. 269, and Cipolla, p. 346. 6 WAR AGAINST FORTEBRACCI. t'435 necessary, march towards peace through war. He was on friendly relations with Sienna, a disturbing neighbour, easily made dangerous.1 He desired to get on well with Venice, and instructed Neri Capponi to renew with her for ten years the alliance, less cordial since the defeat of Imola.2 Then, in June 1435, he named the "Count Francesco" captain- general ; for so Sforza was called since he became Gonfalonier of the Church and Lord of the Marches.3 Arms were taken up against Milan, and a march was made upon the environs of Rome, to clear them of the " devil Forte- bracci," chief of the Bracceschi, who infested them.4 It was an exaction of Eugene IV. ; and since he was refused the pardon of Rinaldo and the rest of the defeated still in Florence, this concession was necessary to soothe his temper and merit his friendship. Besides, what did it matter how the war began ? Filippo Maria could not abandon Fortebracci, beaten off Roman territory and besieged in Assisi ; he helped him in forsaking Piccinino in Tuscany, a diversion which at once brought back Sforza. At a blow, Sforza's brother, Alexander, was beaten, taken prisoner by Fortebracci, once more free to move ; but the terrible Count Francesco, the sole and real Sforza, flew to his rescue. Defeated in turn, killed in the fray, the chief of the Bracceschi, by his death, was the ruin of the cause his redoubtable arm had sustained.5 This was the end of the two months' war. On the 2Oth August, peace was definitely concluded at Ferrara, but upon a base no less fragile than in 1428 : each recovered what had been lost, and the confederates contracted the platonic engagement to march hand-in-hand against per- jury.6 They foresaw so well their approaching disunion, that 1 See G. Capponi (Append, ii. 505), three letters addressed to Neri Capponi. s See our Hist., vol. vi. book xii. c. 4, p. 485. 3 Boninsegni, p. 62 ; Fabroni, p. 52 ; Ammirato, xxi. 2, 3. 4 Boninsegni, p. 63. * Boninsegni, p. 62, 63 ; Machiavelli, v. 68 A ; Ricotti, iii. 59. 6 Boninsegni, p. 62 ; Ammirato, xxi. 3 ; Machiavelli (v. 68 A) was mistaken about the date ; he places these events during Cosimo's exile. 1435] SUCCESSION OF NAPLES. 7 defiance showed itself in the very instrument of peace. "No one can," it said, " declare war alone, because others will be dragged into it." Venice exacted this clause : she distrusted these ephemeral Signories of Florence, that could, every second month, inaugurate a new policy.1 Though it was usually far- seeing enough, nothing warned the Council of Ten that, under this apparent mobility, Cosimo was introducing a government more stable because it was more personal. But it did not suffice to will in order to direct events. Like everything else, the most personal government is subject to the law of circumstances. Cosimo needed peace to strengthen him- self ; and hardly was it established in the north than he saw it threatened in the south. No less versatile than Filippo Maria, old Queen Joan of Naples had successively named as her heirs Alphonsus of Aragon, Louis of Anjou, then, instead of this last, after his death without children in 1434, his brother Kens', Count of Provence.2 When, in turn, her own death came (February II, 1435), her fantastic testaments gave a chief to the two parties into which her kingdom was divided ; the people declared for Kene*, the barons proclaimed Alphonsus. These latter held the trumps in their hands. Alphonsus was in Sicily, within call, and, descendant of Constance, daughter of Manfred, his title seemed older even than that of the first house of Anjou.3 With a large fleet he hurried to lay siege to Gae'ta; but he was beaten by the Genoese (August 5, I435),4 who, ever menaced at home, held to the freedom of 1 Letter of the Signory to Neri Capponi, who remained in Venice as ambassador after the league was concluded, April i, 1435, in G. Capponi, ii. 6, n. 2. 2 See in Giannone (book xxv. c. 6, p. 336) the final testament giving the suc- cession to Rene. Cf. Lecoy de la Marche, Le Roi Rent, vol. i. p. 112, Paris, 1875 ; H. Martin, vol. v. p. 307 ; Sismondi, vol. vi. p. 8. 3 See Sismondi on these reciprocal rights, vi. 6-9. 4 Cavalcanti (book xi. c. 3, 4 ; vol. ii. p. 4-10) gives the names of the prisoners, the vessels taken, and of those who bought them. On these events see Stella, xvii. 1316; Bracelli, De bello hispanico, book iii. G. 3 v°, Hagueneau, 1530 (the pages of this book are numbered below as follows : A, A ii., A iii., B., &c.) ; P. Bizari, Senatus populiqut genuensis /fczj/Wa, book xi. p. 246-248, Antwerp, 1579 ; Earth. Facio, De rebus gestis ab Alphonso 7°., 1. iv. p. 49-61, in Burmann, Thes. 8 REVOLT OF GENOA. [J43S this fine and secure port as an anchorage and a depository for their merchandise. This unforeseen victory, big with con- sequences, did not, as in the communal period, permit the Florentines to shut themselves up in their customary isolation, in their beloved neutrality. The Duke of Milan, the " protector " of the Genoese, only permitted them to rush into war, foreseeing their certain defeat.1 Vexed by a victory that rendered his oppression more difficult, he prevented the conquerors from announcing their triumph to Europe. Upon the vanquished king, con- ducted like the other prisoners to Milan, he lavished every mark of affection, and listened complaisantly to his advice. Alphonsus, so superior by his chivalrous character and his cultivated mind 2 to his contemporaries that he was called the Magnanimous, pointed out without difficulty the faults of his policy: to lower the house of Aragon was to raise that of Anjou, which Milan as well as Naples desired, and which was a closer neighbour.3 Recognising his error, Filippo Maria went so far as to order the Genoese to make restitution of the captured vessels, to lead back their prisoner to the scene of his defeat, and henceforth engage to fight upon his side.4 But this was straining the cord. The only advantage to the Duke was a revolt ; Genoa recovered her liberty on the 24th or 2 /th December I435.5 To defend herself against her perfidious protector, she im- plored assistance, and sent one of her citizens, the historian Bracelli, to Florence to solicit that of the Florentines and of antiq. itaL, vol. ix. part 3 ; Giornali napoletani, xxi. 1 100 ; Simoneta, 1. 2, xxi. 244 ; Boninsegni, p. 62; Monstrelet, ed. of Panth. lift., c. 185, p. 702 ; Mariana, Historia general de Espaiia, vol. ii. p. 428, Madrid, 1848; Giannone, 1. xxv. c. 7, p. 338; Sismondi, vi. 6-12; Cipolla, p. 400. 1 Giornali napoletani, xxi. lioo. 2 See Folieta, 1. x. p. 215 ; Facio, 1. iv. p. 53, 54. 3 Folieta, 1. x. p. 2i9v°; Simoneta, 1. 3, xxi. 245; Bracelli, 1. iv. H 4v°; Bizari, 1. xi. p. 249 ; Machiavelli, v. 69 A ; Mariana, 1. xxi. c. IO, vol. ii. p. 429; Sismondi, vi. 15-17. 4 Bracelli, 1. iv. I, 2 ; Machiavelli, v. 69 B, 70 A ; Sismondi, vi. 18. 8 Cavalcanti, 1. xi. c. 6, vol. ii. p. 12 ; Folieta, 1. x. p. 221 ; Ammirato, xxi. 4. 1435] DEPARTURE OF THE POPE. 9 Eugene IV. The temptation was great, for all that weakened Milan was to the profit of her rivals ; but the league was an obstacle, for it united to the Duke the great Republics and the Pope. But we know how much treaties weigh in the balance against roused passions and interests. Not to break his word, Eugene abstained from lending succour, but he did not pre- vent the Florentines from furnishing theirs, on the condition that there was no fighting.1 Under the conduct of one Bal- daccio d'Anghiari, destined to a tragic celebrity, wheat, horses, and men were sent to Genoa. But Florence was vexed that her sacred guest should restrain her freedom of action ; and as he had already made himself obnoxious to Cosimo by his protest against the banishment of Rinaldo, everybody was against him. He was accused of wishing to annex the town that offered him hospitality to the States of the Church.2 His departure was thus hailed as a relief. As the perfidy of his legate at Bologna had made him master of that town, he went there to live,8 October 6, 1435. Desired by both parties, the separation was accomplished with an outward show of respect and good feeling. On the •day of the Annunciation, the 25th March 1436, which was the first day of the year for the Florentines, Eugene IV. con- secrated the reconstructed cathedral, the old Santa Eeparata or Liberata, under its new name of Santa Maria del Fiore, beautified by the bold cupola of Brunelleschi. To avoid a too narrow passage for the Pope from Santa Maria Novella to Santa Maria del Fiore, instead of a line of armed men, a path of wooden planks two fathoms above the ground was con- structed. The path was covered with foliage, rich stuffs, and 1 Embassy of Neri Capponi at Genoa. MS. of the library of G. Capponi, quoted in his Star, di Fir., vol. ii. 8, n. 2 ; Cavalcanti, 1. xi. c. 7, ii. p. 14. 2 Neri Capponi, xviii. 1183. 3 This legate granted peace to all the emigrants from Bologna and Bentivoglio •exiled for fifteen years, who returned upon the faith of these words. Without being accused of any crime, without confession, he was beheaded, and he was not even allowed Christian burial. See Burselli, Ann. Bonon., xxiii. 876; Cron. Bol.t xviii. 655 (and 526 on the facts of Bologna) ; Ammirato, xxi. 6. io INTRIGUES OF RINALDO DE ALBIZZI. [143* handsome tapestries, and the Pope traversed it followed by seven cardinals, thirty-seven archbishops and bishops, many ambassadors, and nine members of the Signory. From the altar steps he blessed the building, then Cardinal Orsini, in official robes, mounted the ladders to sprinkle the walls with holy water. The ceremony lasted five hours. Upon the return, the Gonfalonier of Justice, Davanzati, served the Pope as train- bearer, and his reward was the belt of chivalry. A banquet given to the foreign ambassadors terminated the proceedings.1 Florence forgave the Father of the Faithful ; he had amused her for an instant. Cosimo rejoiced a while in elbow-room and time to turn his attention to Milan. Thence, in fact, blew the wind of war. The Duke naturally wished to punish the allies of the rebel Genoese. Beside him stood the fiery Binaldo, who, at the risk of his life, had defied his sentence of banishment.2 More than one of his friends had paid as heavily for the like disobedience. But his risk was slight if he kept out of the territory of Flor- ence's allies. He was in security at Milan. To the Visconti, once the object of his hatred and now of his hope, he proved that the Florentines, having recognised him as the protector of Genoa, should not have prevented him from subduing it ; that Cosimo alone was capable of such a want of good faith ; that he had subdued, impoverished, divided, and irri- tated his countrymen, who now only longed for a liberator.* We readily believe what it suits us to believe, and the proof that Rinaldo was sincere in his confidence lay in the fact that he cast bravadoes broadcast. " The hen is hatching," was the threat he had carried to his fortunate rival. Cosimo replied, wittily and sensibly, " The hen cannot hatch out of her nest," * 1 Cambi, Del., xx. 208; Boninsegni, p. 64; Rinuccini, p. 71 ; Machiavelli, v. 74 A ; Ammirato, xxi. 5 ; Cesare Guasti, La Cupola di S. M. del Fiore, p. 9, 37, 89, Flor., 1857; C. J. Cavallucci, S. M. del Fiore, storia documentata daW origins fino ai nostri giorni, Flor., 1881. 2 See our His(.t vol. vi. p. 511. 8 Machiavelli, v. 70 ; he gives Rinaldo's speech. Ammirato, xxi. 6. * Ammirato, xxi. 6. HOSTILITIES AGAINST GENOA. u but he had his doubts, and he feared the exceptions. An arti- ficial nest is everything, and Milan was certainly one.1 Thus it was that, on account of the Genoese, war broke out again, not openly nor quickly. Niccolo Piccinino, condottiere in the Duke's pay, when beaten by their town,2 turned his hostile attentions towards their possessions ; now engaged with Pietra Santa, which the people of Lucca had made over to Florence as a pledge for a loan,3 now with Sarzana, which he attacked upon the pretext of opening the road to Naples. The year 1436 passed before his army fronted Florence. In threatening Vico Pisano and Barga, he declared himself to be acting in his own name, and not as captain of Milan.4 But how believe his word once he was in Lucca, however willing one might be to feign credulity before ? Feared as much as admired,5 he might, upon a two days' march, be upon Florence. Neri Capponi rushed to Pisa with every available force,6 but his military talents were useless here. Against any other adversary they might have sufficed, but only Sforza could inspire confidence against Piccinino. At this time Francesco Sforza happened to be in Florence, where Cosimo hastened to do him every honour with jousts upon the square of Santa Croce and public balls in the place of the Signory. Only, having made his choice between the two leagues, he belonged to the Pope's service, and the Pope, 1 It is curious to note that Gino Capponi, so honest elsewhere, is here so partia to the aristocratic party represented by Rinaldo, that he passes these intrigues in silence. See Star, di Fir., ii. 8, 9. a Folieta, 1. x. p. 222 r° ; Bracelli, 1. iv. K 2 ; Machiavelli, v. 70 B. 3 Neri Capponi, xviii. 1184; Cavalcanti, 1. xi. c. 8, 9, vol. ii. p. 15, 17. 4 Neri Capponi, xviii. 1185 ; Cavalcanti, 1. xi. c. 9, vol. ii. p. 18; Poggio, 1. 7, xx. 385; Machiavelli, v. 71 A; Ammirato, xxi. 7. 5 Neri Capponi, xviii. 1185 ; Machiavelli, v. 71 A. 6 " Richorda che Nic. Piccinino consume tutto il verno passato in Lunigiana e a Pontriemoli, stando sempre a campo nelle nevi, e vivendo di castagne (Agnolo Pandolfini a Averardo, 1 8 Oct. 1431). Nic. Piccinino, 1'anno passato, di verno e sanza danari sempre stette in hopera, et in uno punto quando bisognio ando da staggia Arezzo, et chosl poi di subito d'Arezzo in Lombardia. Et perche potresti dire de' suoi pari ce sono pochi " (Cosimo a Averardo, Oct. 3, 1431. See these texts in the Doc. Pellegrini, Append. Nos. 76, 81). 12 NICCOLO PICCININO. [1436 disliking war, refused to yield him. At length Eugene did yield him, when he lost all hope of obtaining pardon for having endeavoured to poison Sforza by throwing all the responsibility upon one of his dead advisers.1 Besides which, he had to submit to the condition of not sending his condottiere into Lombardy.2 Then Count Francesco started for Pisa, carrying the commander's baton. He was expressly ordered to hold himself upon the defensive, and not to accept battle. This prudence pleased Sforza ; he did not wish to lose the Marches ; but it suited the Florentines less. Not being in the confidence of the gods, and ignoring the conditions and repugnances of the Pope, they gave vent to carping criticisms : if the famous condottiere shrank from an encounter, he must either be afraid or entangled in some unworthy marriage.3 Among the exiles in Piccinino's camp the disappointment was as great. Face to face, animated by their traditional hate, Sforzeschi and Bracceschi seemed to waste themselves in futile skirmishes, too feeble to break the Pope's negotiations with Milan.4 Happily Piccinino was a mighty jouster. With him this state of affairs could not last very long. This son of a Perugian butcher, brought up to the wool trade, not of a calculating turn of mind, had become Braccio's favourite pupil, and even his nephew by marriage, after having killed his first wife upon suspicion, and afterwards recognised the child of the supposed adultery.6 Sleeping scarcely three hours upon the ground and without removing his arms, he was the most audacious and alert of the condottieri Italy had till then seen, the most fertile in expedients, and the cleverest in repairing his reverses, and the only one who, after defeat, could terrorise his conquerors. Many vicissitudes had embit- tered him. He spoke badly and with difficulty, and was 1 Simoneta, 1. 20, xxL 255, 256. (See above, p. 5.) 2 G. Capponi, ii. 9. 3 Cavalcanti, 1. xi. c. 9, vol. ii. pp. 17-19. 4 Boninsegni, p. 65 ; Neri Capponi, xviii. 1185. 6 This child was Jacopo I'iccinino, who attained great renown. 1436] DEFEAT OF PICCININO. 13 taciturn and double-faced. Little, as his name indicates, feeble and sickly, lame and paralysed later, it was necessary to lift him into the saddle. After his most splendid sallies he was obliged to stop for breath. The lightest armour was too heavy for him, and he ended by fighting without any, upon which he was spared ; but driven to fury by his own weakness, he was not grateful even for this. Hard towards every one, he would make targets of the traitors who fell into his hands.1 To the great joy of the exiles, he took the offensive towards the end of December. After a futile sally upon Vico Pisano,2 he laid siege to Barga, the key of the mountain of Pistoia and the valley of Nievole, the loss of which might involve that of Florentine Liguria.3 Neri Capponi and Francesco Sforza received orders to sustain the struggle seriously, without regard for the subjects of Lucca or of Milan. With three thousand men they beat Piccinino, and compelled him to raise the siege on the 8th February 1 437.* His safety was per- haps a disaster, for Venice, by strong-armed demonstration, forced Filippo Maria to recall him northward.5 Lucca was thus without defence, and exposed to old envies, which were revived by a natural thirst of vengeance against her people, and further excited by Piccinino. For this long- wished-for satisfaction Florence counted upon Cosimo, and at the » start Cosimo could not withdraw. If he wished to reign, he must 1 Pietro Candido Decembrio, Vita di Nic, Piccinino, R. I. S., xx. 1051-84, a declamatory work in the form of a discourse ; G. B. Poggio, Historic et vite di Braccio Fortebracci detto da Montone et di Niccolb Piccinino perugini, Venice, 1572, p. 144-164, the text is in Latin. The preceding title is that of the Italian translation by Pompeo Pellini of Perouse. G. B. Poggio was one of the sons of Poggio Bracciolini, who continued Leon. Bruni, and whose history is in the 2oth volume of Muratori. Cf. Ricotti, iii. 7, 102 ; Sismondi, vi. 119. 2 Cavalcanti, 1. xi. c. 9, vol. ii. p. 18. 3 Neri Capponi, xviii. 1185 ; Boninsegni, p. 65 ; Crist, da Soldo, 1st. Bresc., xxi. 831 ; Machiavelli, v. 71 A ; Ricotti, iii. 65. 4 Neri Capponi, xviii. 1185 ; Cavalcanti, 1. xi. c. 10, vol. ii. p. 20; Simoneta 1. 4, xxi. 258 ; Bonincontri, xxi. 146 ; Boninsegni, p. 66 ; Machiavelli, v. 71 A ; Ammirato, xxi. 8. 5 Cavalcanti, 1. xi. c. II, vol. ii. p. 21 ; Poggio, 1. 7, xx. 387; Simoneta, 1. 4, xxi. 261 ; Sabellico, 1. ii. f. 555. i4 OPERATIONS AGAINST LUCCA. [1437 please. He quite understood that Venice would look askance upon this conquest,1 but the oligarchy that he replaced having given Pisa to Florence, he could not do less than give her Lucca, a town of less importance, no doubt, but a strategetical post and the capital of the smiling garden of Italy. By this means he would strengthen his position by glory, and through a distribution of numerous offices and fertile lands content his partisans, procure himself new ones, and put an end to the extravagance of his economical country, prodigal enough in public loans as long as Lucca was in question, but willing to welcome the day when she should be able to stop her prodigalities.2 To begin with, the much-used tactics of guasto were revived. This showed a want of imagination. "Let it be given at once," wrote the Ten to Neri Capponi, emissary at Lucca ; and this was the unanimous cry. "If this could not be, we should be stoned. The best guarantee we can have from Lucca, if her people agree with us, is their necessity for finding food through us." 3 The machiavellism of the object lent freshness to the ancient means. Sforza obeyed (April 26), not without retaking upon occasion the places that Florence and Genoa had lost ; 4 but Lucca held her own behind her strong walls, appearing to forget her vines, her cut wheat, and her cattle carried off. "With these people of Lucca," wrote again the Ten in the following month of July, " there is no hope of agreement ; they hold out more firmly than before the loss of their contado." 5 The Florentines were forced to abandon their arms,6 but they did not lower 1 Ammirato, xxi. 9. 2 Letter from the Ten to Neri Capponi, emissary at Lucca, April I, 1437, quoted by G. Capponi, ii. 10, n. I. Capponi here makes excellent use of his domestic records. 3 Other letters from the same to the same, ibid., n. 3. 4 See the names with the dates in Boninsegni, p. 66. Cf. Ammirato, xxi. 9. 6 Text in G. Capponi, ii. 10, n. 3. 6 Neri Capponi, xviii. 1186; Poggio, I. 7, xx. 386; L. Bruni, xix. 938 ; Caval- canti, 1. xi. c. 12, vol. ii. p. 23 j Machiavelli, v. 71 B, 72. 1437] RESISTANCE OF LUCCA. 15 their cynical ambition, and it was one of their sons, Machia- velli, who stamps it in a phrase in which simplicity accentuates energy : " Rarely has any one felt more displeased in losing his property than the Florentines felt in not having acquired that of another." l But the only soldier for this campaign was Sforza, and Venice called loudly upon him. She had lately lost two captains in her pay, Gattamelata, struck down by apoplexy,2 and the Marquis of Mantua, won over by Milanese gold.3 It was a complete negotiation. " The war of Lombardy is the essential," said the Council of Ten ; " upon it depends the conquest of Lucca, the liberty of Florence, even that of all Italy. Together the two Eepublics can hardly hold the Duke ; what will Florence do alone when once Venice is vanquished ? " The argument had weight, but it concealed the cards beneath without deceiving the Florentines. According to Cavalcanti, what so infuriated the people of Lucca, " till a mother could have eaten her son, the husband his wife, rather than submit," was the encouragement of Venice.4 It needed nothing more to compromise the alliance. " The two allies," he continues, " dreaded a tyrant less than a republic, because he does not last so long." 5 What indeed could Venice do with a captain too jealous to preserve his beloved Marches, too wishful to obtain the hand of Bianca to show much zeal in his fight with her father ? 6 It was to weaken Florence that they wanted him above all. Cosimo could refuse to allow him to go to them, for the clauses of his engagement with the league released him from crossing the Po ; but the refusal might break the league and interrupt the war ; Florence's freedom of action with Lucca depended upon a sharp encounter between Venice and Milan. 1 Machiavelli, v. 73 B. 2 Sanuto, xxii. 1063 ; 1st. Bresc., xxi. 798 ; Sabellico, 1. ii. f. 555 ; Cavalcanti, 1. xii. c. i, vol. ii. p. 33 ; Neri Capponi, xviii. 1191 ; Simoneta, xxi. 286. 3 1st. Bresc., xxi. 797 ; Sanuto, xxii. 1062. 4 Cavalcanti, 1. xi. c. 13, vol. ii. p. 25. 6 Cavalcanti, 1. xii. c. I, vol. ii. p. 34. 6 Letter from the Ten to Neri Capponi in G. Capponi, ii. n, note. 1 6 COSIMO IN VENICE. [143* So Florence was forced to yield her condottiere, and in October Sforza met at Reggio the Venetian ambassador, Andrea Morosini, who ordered him to fight openly, with the alternative of losing his command and his pay.1 As the proverb says, " We do not catch flies with vinegar," the wily peasant stuck more closely to Cosimo ; 2 he even went back to Tuscany,3 to- the great annoyance of the Venetians and the mutual satis- faction of Cosimo and Filippo Maria. Already the enemy of Milan, Florence was now on the point of war with Venice. To avoid this grave danger, the "great merchant" went thither as ambassador in April 1438. He counted upon the friendships of exile to obtain from the Venetians that an understanding between Sforza and the Duke should be prevented, and that they should look with friendly eyes upon a new enterprise with Lucca. " Our senate," the Doge Foscari coldly replied, " knows its own strength and that of the other Italian states. It is not in the habit of paying those who do not serve it. Venice does not wish to advance Count Francesco at her own expense. As for Lucca, Florence as free to follow her wishes ; we do not understand the motive of her overtures upon this subject." Beyond these reticent phrases, Cosimo obtained nothing, and this explains his cold- ness towards the Republic of the Lagoons,4 a principal fact in his history. It was thought that where he had failed, 1 See Sabellico on the defiance of Venice by Sforza, 1. ii. p. 557. 2 " Che la decta signoria faza quella propria stima de luy che faria el figliolo verso el padre quando fosse in pericolo. Dicendo che se Sforza fosse vivo et fosse assediato da Brazo et quella signoria fosse in pericolo del stato suo, lasseria peri- colare el padre per aydare la decta signoria " (Sforza's letter, Oct. 12, 1437). " Ogni mia volonta remetto in vuy. . . . Ben ve prego che al facto vostro vogliate havere buona advertentia, perche non potete havere el vostro, che non habiate el mio " (Sforza to Lorenzo de Medicis, March 6, 1438). These extracts have been pub- lished by M. B. Buser, Die Beziehungen der Mediceer zu Frankreich wdhrend der Jahrt 1434-1494, in ihrem Zusammenhang mit den allgemeinen Verhdltnissen Italiens, Leipzig, 1879, p. 351. Such is Sforza's language for many years. We will see it further on in several documents. 8 Simoneta, xxi. 266 ; Neri Capponi, xviii. 1186; Ammirato, xxi. 10. 4 Neri Capponi, xviii. 1186; Boninsegni, p. 67; Sabellico, 1. ii. p. 558 ; Machia- velli, v. 73 ; Ammirato, xxi. 1 1. 1438] THREE YEARS' TRUCE. 17 Giuliano Davanzati, more eloquent and a friend of the Pope,1 would succeed ; but this illusion did not last long. As an added disgrace, Florence was soon abandoned by her other allies. Genoa, asked for assistance, replied in vague terms,2 in return for help recently accorded her.3 Betrayed by his lieutenants, flattered by Filippo Maria, persuaded that " it is wiser to sheer the wool than tear off the skin," 4 Sforza came to a formal understanding which once more assured him the hand of Bianca when she reached a marriageable age, and he promised to obtain peace. Thus the Florentines were completely abandoned. They were surrounded by enemies ready to turn upon them. No- body wanted them to become masters of Lucca.5 Ruined by taxes, exhausted by famine, cut down by an epidemic,6 how could they expect to hold out ? To spare their pride, a truce of three years was proposed,7 and, while exacting that the siege of Lucca should be raised, they were left their conquests, and by this means unfortunate Lucca was reduced to a terri- tory of six miles outside her walls. These conditions were satisfactory, and accordingly were accepted (April 28). But for the Florentines, it was a mortal blow to see them rendered valueless by the action of their friend Sforza, who, on his own authority, made restitution to Lucca of all she had lost, except Montecarlo, Uzzano, and the port of Motrone.8 Writers are astounded by this kind of treason ; they ignore its motive. And yet it is not difficult to discover it ; is fecit cui 1 Ammirato, xxi. 12. 2 Boninsegni, p. 67. 3 See above, same chapter, p. 9. 4 Cavalcanti, 1. xi. c. 17, vol. ii. p. 30. 8 Letter reported in Cron. d'Agobbio, xxi. 975. 6 Boninsegni, p. 67. 7 Neri Capponi, xviii. 1187; Cavalcanti, 1. xi. c. 17, vol. ii. p. 30. However, L. Bruni uses the word " peace" (Co?nm., xix. 939). 8 L. Bruni, Comment., xix. 939; Boninsegni, p. 67; Sabellico, 1. ii. f. 561; Beverini in Cavalcanti, 1. xi. c. 17, vol. ii. p. 31, n. 2 ; Cron. (TAgobbio, xxi. 975 ; Simoneta, xxi. 265; Poggio, xx. 390; Platina, xx. 814; Bonincontri, xxi. 147; Machiavelli, v. 73 B ; Ammirato, xxi. 13. VOL. I. B i8 NEGOTIATIONS AND INTRIGUES. [1438 prodest. From all times the Visconti wished to see Lucca free and strong against Florence. Now, the wily condottiere already looked upon himself as the Duke of Mian.1 Filippo Maria, abandoning the plan of a distant marriage, promised him Asti in Tortona as a dowry, and had advanced him 30,000 ducats; the trousseau and the gowns were ordered, invitations issued, and the persona who were to accompany the bride named.2 At the same time, to keep Sforza away from the Venetians, the corrupting influence of whose gold he feared, he exaggerated the dangers of the step, and sent him, with Piccinino's son, to the far-off Abruzzi to defend one of his feudal states inhe- rited from his father. Away from his future son-in-law, the Duke breathed more freely.3 This is only the first act of the comedy. The others which compose the play are much more complicated. Even without Sforza, the league still existed, and the Visconti wished to dis- solve it. Here the principal part was played by his confidant, Piccinino. Feigning a jealous anger in the Duke's choice of a son-in-law, he retired and strengthened his position in Eomagna, and offered to restore the Marches to the Pope ; 4 and Eugene swallowed the bait. This Heaven-sent auxiliary received from him five thousand florins, the promise of feudal lands, the liberty of choosing to fight in the pay of the Church or of Venice. After the open rupture, who could have suspected Piccinino capable of secret enmity ? When the crafty partner had lulled both republican and pontifical prudence, his private emissaries swept the States of the Church, awakening old factions, and creating hope in the support of Milan; then in the middle of April he threw off the mask, and while his son was surprising Spoleta, he com- pelled Ostasio of Polenta, lord of Ravenna and ally of the 1 Simoneta, xxi. 266 ; Ricotti, iii. 66. 2 Neri Capponi, xviii. 1187. 3 Simoneta, xxi. 266 ; Ammirato, xxi. 14. * G. B. Poggio, Vita di A'ic. Piccinino, p. 157. H3S] FIFTEENTH-CENTURY PERFIDY. 19 Pope and of Venice, to recognise the Duke as protector.1 Bologna soon rose (May 21), and twenty other towns fol- lowed her example. Meanwhile Filippo Maria feigned sur- prise, protesting ignorance of these revolts, and that they took place against his will ; he swore by all the gods that Piccinino would pay the price with his head as soon as he could lay hands on him. Piccinino bowed to the storm and ordered his son to evacuate Spoleta ; but when he saw that the powder had taken fire, he right-about-faced the Pope like a military Tartufe. " His Holiness," he said, " only accuses him in order to deprive him of the Duke's friendship, and in punishment his Holiness deserves to lose his estates." 2 It would be idle to rail at perfidy in writing of the fifteenth century. If we cannot, like Machiavelli, praise the art of the players, at least we may recognise which of them plays the best. The advantage then belongs to the Visconti and his condottiere. Well conceived, the perfidious undertaking is well carried out. Piccinino, in covering the right bank of the Po with his soldiers, cut his enemies in two : the isolated Venetians on one side, open to attack ; on the other, the Pope, Sforza, Florence, incapable of succouring them, all at a dis- tance, and all estranged. Then, leaving his conquests to the care of his son, he flew to Lombardy ; in the spring he was before Vicenza and Verona. Should these towns fall like Brescia, Venice could no longer hope to defend her pro- vinces. At all cost the Council of Ten must secure her allies. 'Giovanni Pisani was sent to Sforza, then returning by the Marches of Ancona, and Francesco Barbarigo went to Cosimo. The question was if they would succeed in re-forming the league, that the understandings of the 28th April, the three 1 Sanuto, xxii. 1057; Sabellico, 1. ii. f. 561 ; Simoneta, xxi. 271 ; Boninsegni, p. 68 ; G. B. Poggio, Vita di Nic. Piccinino, p. 158 ; Gir. Rossi, Hist, Ravennatiim, 1. vii. p. 626, Venice. 1589 ; Machiavelli, v. 74 B ; Ammirato, xxi. 14. 2 Sanuto, xxii. 1058; Machiavelli, v. 75 A; Ricotti, iii. 70; Sismondi, vi. 41 ; G. Capponi, ii., 15. 20 CONVENTIONS OF FLORENCE [143? years truce between Florence and the Duke, had so nearly broken.i On the banks of the Arno, policy and calculation triumphed over rancour. We recognise the growing influence of the- cold and steady Medici. Barbarigo's overtures were received' in a very different way from the recent attitude ot Venice. Florence undertook to engage the condottiere again for five years, with three hundred lances and as many foot-soldiers, supplying the half of their pay, 17,000 florins in gold a month, though she found this a heavy charge.2 The condotta might even be prolonged a year upon the condition of giving Sforza notice four months in advance (February 19, I439).3 The two Republics having the reputation of a full treasury,. Pandolfo Malatesta, Pietro Orsini, the lords of Faenza and Ferrara, in turn offered their mercenary services. The Pope and the Genoese entered into this league armed to the teeth ; * truly Penelope's work, undone only to be done again at once. One thing surprises us : Sforza, bound to Milan, breaks with his father-in-law. But Venice and Florence had touched the- sore spot in persuading him that the Duke was only fooling him in the marriage question. They also gained him by gold, for he was needy and eager for money ; 5 they raised his pay on the 1st February. They had yet to persuade him to cross the Po at the risk of an offensive return of Piccinino into 1 Sabellico, 1. iii. f. 563 ; Machiavelli, v. 75 B ; Ricotti, iii. 72 ; Sismondi, vi. 45. 3 In all the records there are abundant proofs that Florence and Venice never agreed as to which should pay the biggest part of the pay. Take this passage : " Cum ei turn a Venetis, turn a Florentinis discordia duarum civitatum avare malig- neque stipendia persolverentur." — Platina, xx. 814. 3 See the authentic document in the Archivio Sforzesco, Bibl. Nat. MS. Ital. No. 1583, f. 5- Neri Capponi (xviii. 1188) and Ammirato (xxi. 17) give i8th February as the date ; 1st. Bresc. (xxi. 809), the 7th. According to Neri Capponi, the sum paid was not 17,000 florins, but 20,000, Venice paying 9000 and Florence 8400. Perhaps there was an addition. Other authors credit Venice with two-thirds of the expenses of armament, and Florence with only one. * Simoneta, xxi. 275 ; Poggio, xx. 400 ; Boninsegni, p. 69 ; Cavalcanti, 1. xii. c. 2, vol. ii. p. 35 ; Machiavelli, v. 75 B, and the authors quoted in the preceding, note. * Neri Capponi, xviii. 1188 ; Cavalcanti, L xii. c. 5, vol. ii. p. 40. 1439] WITH THE VENETIANS. 21 Tuscany. He refused, fearing to leave his lands in the Marches unprotected ; hence they sent Neri Capponi to him. " If Venice loses her states," said this subtle Florentine, " she will not be able to pay her share of the 17,000 florins, and Florence will not undertake to pay the whole." l This argument served to remove the scruples of the interested soldier, now that he was a lord. He allowed Neri Capponi to start for Venice and settle the route of the expedition. Neri reports the details of the interview. He found the Venetian Signory, like the rest of the town, in mourning. He ventured upon discreet reproaches concerning their conduct to the Florentines, who, nevertheless, yielded them the Count Francesco, in spite of his usefulness in keeping Sienna and Lucca in order. Without waiting for the Doge to reply, according to custom, the lords stood up, lifted their hands, .and tearfully thanked the Florentines and Neri himself in terms that prevented the modest narrator from reporting them in full. The Venetian historians later gave a very different version of the meeting ; the senate was noisy, it repulsed the league, it condemned Florentine ingratitude, it preferred the conditions of the Duke of Milan. But we may accept it that both sides •exaggerated. Two merchant republics would not be likely to miss the occasion of making the best of their own side. We may remark upon the confession of the Venetian, that the .senate, energetically exhorted by the Doge, ended by changing its mind,2 and that the Venetian funds went up after the Florentine declaration.3 By this they were able to agree upon the route, and Sforza, outside the walls, marched off with his army. On the 2Oth 1 The missives to Sforza of the ambassadors and his own letters, are full of unceasing and repulsive demands for money. We have only to glance at the Archivio Sforzesco to see it. 2 Navagero, xxiii. 1104. This writer is of later date— 1498. See Muratori's preface, p. 921. 3 Neri Capponi, xviii. 1 1 89, whose account is followed by Machiavelli (v. 76) •and Ammirato xxi. 17). 22 CHARACTER OF THE WAR. [i439 June he was upon Paduan ground.1 He unfurled the flags of Venice, Florence, and Genoa, sent to him in sign of good feeling.2 With rare decision, without any heat, Florence had shown the triumph of the policy of reason. We need not follow the details of a war in which the Tuscan Republic played small part, except by money. The details are uninteresting ; they belong to what we call petty warfare. The chiefs only risked their reputation, and the soldiers barely risked their lives ; at the most, sixty men fell upon the field ; their armour protected them, when in warm weather it did not smother them. The strife consisted of a few rapid marches to surprise the enemy or escape it, or to cover retreat by the sure protection of a river or a canal, the art of bridging a river under fire being as yet unknown. A glance served to- count the forces, and the less numerous body regarded itself as defeated. The defeated were dispersed and despoiled, a simple matter for those who could gather themselves together the day after under a new master, or the same, at the expense of the lost or contested provinces and of their unfortunate inhabitants.3 Ammirato shows Piccinino surrounded by his enemies, escaping, as he remarks, after the fashion of imperti- nent lovers in comedy,4 in a sack upon the shoulder of a German soldier, who assumed quite naturally the role of plunderer. It was just because these operations were sterile that the war was brought back into Tuscany. Piccinino asked the Duke to send him there with the Florentine exiles. He wanted serious operations to mark out a principality like his rival, perhaps at his expense. He believed that such a brusque evolution would strike at the heart of the Medician republic, terrify 1 Neri Capponi, xviii. 1190. a Romanin, 1. x. c. 7, vol. iv. p. 197, from Venetian documents. 3 Simoneta, xxi. 277 ; Sabellico, 1. iv. p. 566 ; Sismondi, vi. 51 ; G. Capponi, ii. 16. On military operations see G. B. Poggio, Vita di Nic. Pice., p. 158-164; Cavalcanti, 1. xii. c. 6-10, vol. ii. p. 41-51. Morelli (Del., xix. 170) indicates the principal. 4 Ammirato, xxi. 20, who took the facts from 1st. Bresc., xxi. 815; Simoneta,. xxi. 281 ; G. B. Poggio, Vita di Nic. Pice., p. 163. 1439] HOPES OF THE EXILES. 23 the Pope, and frighten off Sforza from Brescia. In isolating thus the Venetians, it would be possible to crush them, and then come back and attack the Count Francesco and crush him too,1 a tactic old as the Horatii. The Doge understood the danger, and wished at all cost to retain the captain of the league. " To conquer in Lombardy is to conquer every- where," he said. " Let the Count retreat, and Venice will lose her possessions by land." 2 Already, with his natural confidence, Binaldo de Albizzi saw himself back in his country. He asserted it loudly, and his friends chorussed him.3 The hen had hatched, and, as another bravada, he had it conveyed to Cosimo that the exiles were not asleep. " I believe it," said Cosimo ; " I have robbed them of sleep."4 Events placed the laughers upon his side, but at the time they laughed with both. Rinaldo promised Filippo Maria a safe passage by the Casentino, where his friend the Count of Poppi reigned ; then a revolt in Pistoia, which the Panciatichi, allies of his son, would provoke, and afterwards a rising in Prato and in Lucca. As well, at the approach of the smallest army, Florence, crushed with taxes, irritated by haughty rulers, trembling under oppression, would rise.5 We cannot doubt that there were malcontents"! in plenty, but this does not prove that the exiles were regretted or their return desired ; for they certainly knew that Rinaldo and his friends would not lead them to liberty, and to return from the new aristocracy to the old did not offer sufficient advantages to justify a devastating and ruinous war, and perhaps capture by assault. There was everything to fear, for it was not likely that the prudent Filippo Maria or the crafty Piccinino would 1 See Machiavelli, v. 78 B. 2 Neri Capponi, xviii. 1192. 3 " Affirmantes se ipsos et eorum quemlibet tune fieri et esse potentes in dicta civitate" (Sentence of Rinaldo and others, July 6, 1440, Commis. Rin.t iii. 667). 4 Ammirato, xxi. 22. 8 Cavalcanti, 1. xiii. c. 9, vol. ii. p. 88. See book xii. c. II, p. 51. This author gives Rinaldo's speech. Machiavelli, v. 79 A ; Ammirato, xxi. 22. 24 CARDINAL VITELLESCHI. [1440 embark in a struggle without the certainty of powerful re- sources— " enter a vessel without biscuits ; " l and the danger for those who lured him into Tuscany was so terrible as to warrant a reconciliation between Cosimo and his most mis- trustful countrymen. But what were the resources ? The famous Vitelleschi was suspected, the Florentine Cardinal, as he was called, officer of the Pontifical States while the Pope resided at Florence. Did he not show regret to have driven Kinaldo to arms ? Did he not feel a lasting rancour towards Sforza, his conqueror in the Marches, and to the two Republics who had denounced him to his master for the embezzlement of 20,000 florins ? The rancour of this mitred blackguard was to be dreaded. Living in Rome like a cruel and arrogant prince, he laid waste for the pleasure of devastating ; he promised his soldiers a hundred days' indulgence for every foot of olive ground they would break down.2 It was he, they said, who had advised the Duke to send Piccinino into Tuscany. A letter in cipher was inter- cepted in which he suggested to this last-named that they should join their forces, and it was shown to the Pope.3 Eugene IV. was even persuaded that, having subjected Florence, his criminal legate would have him removed in order to seize the tiara.4 These were, of course, pure inventions, except the overtures to Piccinino. Upheld by this disturbing prelate, the Count of Urbino, and the Malatesti,5 Piccinino was able to advance. He left his winter quarters (February 7, 1440) with 6000 men. After crossing the Po, he rallied 3000 of Vitelleschi's men, and advanced towards the south to the territory of Faenza.6 All this time Sforza was cooling his heels before Brescia, con- demned to inaction until the snow melted. Not wishing to 1 Cavalcanti, 1. xii. c. 13, vol. ii. p. 57. 2 Giorn. Napol., xxi. 1107. 3 G. B. Poggio, VitadiNic. Pice., p. 165, 166. 4 Poggio, xx. 406. 6 Cavalcanti, 1. xi. c. 13, vol. ii. p. 58. 6 Simoneta, xxi. 286; G. B. Poggio, Vita di Nic. Pice., p. 165; Machiavelli, v. 79 B ; Ammirato, xxi. 22. 1440] DELIBERATIONS AT VENICE. 25 descend from the lord to the condottiere,1 he wanted to fly to the rescue of the Marches threatened. The Venetians feigned to retain him. Florence solved the difficulty. Neri Capponi 2 started for Venice with the order to sustain Giuliano Davanzati, the orator of his country. Both saw the danger for the Vene- tian possessions in stripping Lombardy, and they promised to raise another army to oppose Piccinino.3 Sforza assisted at these deliberations impatiently, for he would not confide to others the defence of his domains. It was doubtful if he would submit to the resolution adopted. But sometimes events are hurried. Vitelleschi paid with his life for his letter in cipher.4 The Malatesti, on the point of going over to Piccinino, changed their minds, and remained faithful to their obligations. Gian Paolo Orsini, captain of Florence, redeemed Kimini,5 and there was no longer any need to rescue the Marches. Sforza was willing to remain in Lombardy if paid his! salary. Even more, an offer of ninety thousand florins persuaded him that he was strong enough to take the offensive by sending Neri Capponi with a thousand •horses into Tuscany (April i8).6 It was indeed necessary to defend it. Piccinino was roam- ing round, looking to see how he might enter. He wanted to force the passage of Marradi, at the foot of the mountains of the valley of Lamona, which separate the Tuscan from the Komagna territories. Protected by a stream of water at the bottom of a precipice, these rocks could arrest an army for 1 Neri Capponi, xviii. 1191-1192 ; Machiavelli, v. 80 A. 2 Neri had just been named for the fifth time one of the Ten of War with Cosimo, Leon. Bruni, Angelo Acciajuoli, the principal citizens ; such was the importance of this war. See Bonincontri, xxi. 149. 3 Neri Capponi, xviii. 1191 ; Simoneta, xxi. 286. 4 He was all-powerful at Rome. The commander of the castle of S. Angelo captured him by perfidy and had him killed, March 18, 1440. See details in Bonincontri, xxi. 149; Mesticanza di Paulo Petrone, xxiv. 1123; Platina, Vita Eugenii IV., p. 275; Boninsegni, p. 71 ; Cavalcanti, xiv. 3, vol. ii. p. 106. All these writers admit his violent end, but Platina accuses the Florentines instead of the Pope. Salvi (1st. di Pistoia, ii. 302) believes in an accidental death. 5 Neri Capponi, xviii. 1192 ; Machiavelli, v. 80 B ; Ammirato, xxi. 22. 6 Neri Capponi, xviii. 1122;. Ammirato, xxi. 24. 26 PICCININO IN TUSCANY. [1440 several months; but Bartolommeo Orlandini, who commanded for the Florentines, took flight, " like the peasant who mistook the hornet's buzz for the sound of the trumpet,"1 and did not stop until he came to Borgo San Lorenzo. This left Piccinino free to advance without resistance to the mountains of Fiesole (April 10), and ravage all the country within three miles of Florence, camp at Eemola, pass the Arno, and spread terror. In the official documents his soldiers are charged with all sorts of abominations,2 which are doubtless exaggerated. Cavalcanti had the curiosity to question the women who sought refuge behind the town walls with the men and beasts. " We were only beaten and robbed," they replied — a trifle in those days. They had not even committed the traditional outrage of shortening their skirts.3 The adventurer Piccinino was no longer a barbarian. The Renaissance had influenced him. He threatened all who burnt objects of art and beauty with death.4 It was his soldiers who described him as a terror in their own interests. " Yield at once," they shouted outside the gates of Florence ; " don't wait for Niccolo, for in an instant we will enter with him ! " And in the neighbourhood the bells clanged violently to pro- voke a rising in the town.5 This rising, promised by Ptinaldo to his allies, was not un- likely. The Florentines were agitated " like fish in a poisoned sea." e Their streets, crowded with contadini and cattle, were in confusion bordering upon disorder. The approach of famine was felt, and every one was under suspicion.7 Thanks to this supplement from those outside, never reputed faithful, Cosimo's enemies seemed to increase to a majority. His friends profited by his difficulties to insist upon high pay for their services,. and prevent the repression of abuses by which they profited. 1 Cavalcanti, 1. xiii. c. 2, vol. ii. p. 65. 2 Sentence of Rinaldo and others, July 6, 1440. Commits. Rin., iii. 667. 3 Cavalcanti, 1. xiii. c. 3, vol. ii. p. 67. 4 Cavalcanti, 1. xiii. c. 3, vol. ii. p. 67. 5 Sentence of Rinaldo. Commiss. Rin., iii. 667. 6 Cavalcanti, 1. xiii. c. I, vol. ii. p. 62. 7 L. Bruni, xix. 940 ; Simoneta, xxi. 287. 1440] CONFUSION OF THE FLORENTINES. 27 " We gave you back to your country," they said ; " you are in our debt." Counsel rained. Some wanted to have the prisons emptied and filled with the suspects ; others clamoured for examples — that is, executions. There were many, whom Caval- canti regarded as insane, who were of the " beastly " opinion that the exiles should be recalled to bring about calm. Not knowing to whom he should listen, like a good Tartufe, Cosimo said, " Would it not be better for the Republic that I should go ? " This would not have served either his accom- plices, who enjoyed security and favours through him, or the people who remained faithful to him, through fear of ven- geance if the exiles returned. Neri Capponi, friend at the eleventh hour, henceforth devoted, asked Orsini to have in readiness for the Master's defence three hundred saddled horses,1 so seriously was he menaced. Quite recently returned from Venice, Neri gave a seasonable spur to the moral faculties of the Florentines ; he even undertook the command of the mili- tary operations. With the small band of cavaliers that Sforza had given him, and a few foot-soldiers raised in the ranks of the people, he ousted the enemy from Remola and arrested their depredations, while Puccio Pucci by energetic speeches shamed his countrymen in their inertia. Following the erudite. fashion of the day, he recalled the Persian story of the women who stripped themselves and shouted to their sons who were fight- ing without heart, " Cowards, attack the Medes, or return to those from whom you sprang ! " 2 Florence being protected from surprise, thanks to Neri Capponi, Rinaldo wanted Piccinino to establish himself at Pistoia, where family ties formed a strong support for the Albizzi. But Piccinino did not share the fury of the exiles. Proud of his independence besides, he preferred to go towards the Casentino, where a warm welcome awaited him.3 He 1 Cavalcanti, 1. xiii. c. 6, vol. ii. pp. 73-76. * Cavalcanti, 1. xiii. c. 7, vol. ii. p. 76. (The translation is modified. — Trans.) 3 Neri Capponi, xviii. 1 193 ; L. Bruni, xix. 940 ; Poggio, xx. 406 ; Machiavelli, v. 8 1 A ; Ammirato, xxi. 23, 24. 28 COUNT OF POPPI. ['440 knew this, and so did the Florentines. At Venice Neri Capponi represented the enmity of the Count of Poppi as one of the dangers of his country.1 Francesco de Battifolle, Count of Poppi, was the heir of the famous Guidi who had owned this mountainous district for more than four centuries. Upon the mountain sides and heights he possessed several castles, and even to-day that which he inhabited may still be seen, magnificently situated.2 Belonging to a branch of the ancient family of the Guelphs, how did he happen to be the enemy of a town above and beyond all Guelph ? Surrounded by republican territories, it was his interest to be on good terms with it. Having obtained, with the title of recommendation, the restitution of the property of which the legate Vitelleschi had robbed him, having been appointed vicar or commissioner in the Casentino, and being provided by the Florentines with bombs for his defence there,3 he owed devotion to his protectors. But this subjection humiliated him and lowered him in his own eyes. To strengthen himself by alliances, he gave one of his daughters to the condottiere Fortebracci,4 and hoped to marry the other, the beautiful Gual- drada, to Piero de Cosimo,5 though Piero's attentions, by calcu- lated modesty, were given to a Florentine of middle-class life, Lucrezia Tornabuoni.6 This was how Francesco de Battifolle became the enemy of Florence ; this was why he had called Piccinino to his aid,7 " unlike the pheasant, that believes itself unseen when it hides its head under its wings." s That this clever captain should cut Florence off from Pisa, which supplied him with food, or from Arezzo and Perouse, 1 Neri Capponi, xviii. 1188. 2 Gino Capponi, ii. 20. 3 Boninsegni, p. 72; Machiavelli, v. p. 81 A. 4 Cavalcanti, 1. xiii. c. z, vol. ii. p. 95 ; Neri Capponi, La Cacciata del Conte di Poppi, xviii. 1117-19; Bonincontri, xxi. 148. 6 See Fabroni (Doc., p. 147), letter of Battifolle, dated July 25, 1435, proving the marriage projects. 6 Fabroni, p. 81 ; Ammirato, xxi. 24. 7 Cavalcanti, 1. xiv. c. 7, vol. ii. p. 112. 8 Cavalcanti invents his letter. See 1. xiii. c. II, vol. ii. p. 92. i44o] PICCININO'S DESIGNS. 29 the road of the Pontifical army coming to her rescue, it mat- tered little, so that she was cut off.1 In a few days he took Bibbiena and Romena. But, to his great surprise, his success ended here. He was kept more than a month before the little castle of San Niccolo, situated at the foot of the mountains that separate the Casentino from the Val d'Arno. Florence had roused courage by offering protection to the women and chil- dren, and promising the men, if they were defeated, to establish them in the fertile country of Pisa.2 There were no defections in the invaded province, and even in Florence, in spite of the provocations of the exiles, there was no movement. Thus it was impossible to attack the Florentine walls, and to stick eternally in the rocky Casentino, as Battifolle pro- posed, was not Piccinino's plan — " his horses could not live upon stones." 3 He preferred a turn with Perouse, his own country.4 He believed his fame would decide his compatriots to acknowledge him as lord, as of old they had acknowledged his patron Braccio : he only obtained from them a thousand florins to turn on his heels. Same humiliation before Cortona and Citta di Castello. He was reduced to applaud the successes of Sforza in Lombardy, which compelled the Duke to recall his unfor- tunate captain.5 But before retracing his path, Piccinino was determined to fight. His military fame was implicated ; the Florentine exiles pressed him ; and finally, he wanted to protect the Count of Poppi against the vengeance he easily foresaw. Success seemed probable, for the Florentine camp was the camp of Agra- mant, the court of King Confusion.6 Neri Capponi and Ber- 1 L. Bruni, xix. 941 ; Boninsegni, p. 72; G. B. Poggio, Vita di Nic. Pice., p. 1 66 ; Ammirato, xxi. 28. 2 Cavalcanti, 1. xiv. c. 12, 16, 2O-22, vol. ii. p. 114-132; Bonincontri, xxi. 150; Boninsegni, p. 72; Poggio, xx. 411; Machiavelli, v. 8lB; Ammirato, xxi. 25. 3 Machiavelli, v. SIB; Ammirato, xxi. 29. 4 Neri Capponi, xviii. 1194; Cavalcanti, xiv. 21, vol. ii. p. 136. 5 Neri Capponi, xviii. 1194; Cavalcanti, 1. xiv. c. 31, vol. ii. p. 144; G. B. Poggio, Vita di Nic. Pice., p. 166 ; Machiavelli, v. 8l B; Ammirato, xxi. 26. 6 Neri Capponi, xviii. 1194; Ammirato, xxi. 27. 3o PREPARATIONS FOR BATTLE. [1440 nardetto de' Medicis were there, commissioners of the Republic,1 Gian Paolo Orsini was commander.2 The Patriarch of Aquilia was the chief of the Pontifical contingent.3 Micheletto Sforza Attendolo commanded another levy. These chiefs, all more or less warriors, disagreed upon one point — upon the recognition of the authority, the acceptance of the interference of two mer- chants, of two intrusive outsiders. The Ten and the Signory were obliged to enjoin a temporising policy, leaving nothing to chance, although the army showed the respectable front of 9000 horses. This tactic was wise, for Piccinino was near at hand. Let him attack if he dared. He had to dare, for he needed success to cover his retreat But the position of the two armies was such that an attack was not easy on either side, and disadvantage lay in hurry. Upon the hillock crowned by the castle of Anghiari the Florentines were placed stairways. At the bottom, a few yards distant, a little stream ran through sharp banks, spanned by a single bridge, which southward flowed into the Tiber. Between the Tiber, which sheltered Borgo San Sepolcro, and this tri- butary, which sheltered Anghiari, spread a plain of four or five thousand feet.4 Whoever started the fight should pass the bridge under the enemy's fire. Piccinino could only reach it by crossing the plain, and the plain was cut by ditches to mark the limits of the property parcelled out, receive the rains, and prevent the cattle from browsing upon the seeds.5 The attack was difficult and the retreat dangerous. Both difficul- ties and perils he hoped to lessen by offering battle on St. Peter's day, 29th June, a feast then nearly as great as St. John's ; and in the afternoon, when the sun was hottest, when the Florentines, regarding this as a sacred day, in a sort of 1 Sentence of Rinaldo. Commiss, Rin., iii. 667. 2 Cavalcanti, 1. xiv. c. 24, vol. ii. p. 136. 3 He was called Luigi Scarampi, being the Pope's doctor, and was made cardinal and patriarch of Aquilia. 4 Letter of Neri Capponi to the Ten, June 25, 1440, in G. Capponi, ii. 22, n. i. 5 Decembrio, xx. 1 08 1. 144°] BATTLE OF ANGHIARL 31 truce with the Almighty, should have laid aside their arms, even part of their garments, to give themselves up to pleasure.1 As well, he knew them to be without videttes or outposts — a common error in those days, and a grave one ; for it is not an affair of a few minutes to jump into heavy armour, harness horses, and prepare for combat.2 On the 28th a false attack was attempted, so as to divert suspicion from the next day. On the morning of the 2pth the commissaries wrote : " Yesterday we nearly engaged in battle. Four lances were broken, and then we retreated. Niccolo came from Borgo with a few men, and found us ready. This morning in his camp there is a good deal of fire. We all believe he is going to the right-about ; but where will he go ? We shall soon know." 3 In the afternoon, before sunset, Micheletto Attendolo, an old stager, more vigilant than his colleagues, thought he perceived in the distance a cloud of dust coming slowly towards Anghiari. He scented the enemy and called the dispersed soldiers to arms. Followed by those who flew to him, he took his stand in front of the bridge. The legate and Orsini and the commissaries flanked him right and left, and the infantry was placed along the bank to pre- vent any one from wading the torrent. The surprise fell flat ; the enemy's plan was thwarted. There remained two alternatives : to beat a retreat or attempt to cross the bridge. The intrepid captain did not hesitate. He pushed forward his Milanese, whom Micheletto vigorously beat back. Astorre Manfredi and Francesco de Piccinino hastened to the rescue with the remainder of the ducal army, balanced the combat, and drove the Florentines back to the ascent of Anghiari. The aggressor was henceforth placed upon ground transformed by Orsini into an esplanade, and suitable for a battle. There he was uncovered, threatened on 1 Poggio, xx. 413, and G. B. Poggio, Vita di Nic. Pice., p. 167 ; Ammirato, xxi. 36. 2 Sismondi, vi. 66. * Text in G. Capponi, ii. 22, n. 2. 32 DEFEAT OF PICCININO. [1440 both sides by the legate and by Orsini. The place was not tenable, and he entrenched himself upon the bridge, which he held for two long hours. At last, however, he gave in, fell back, and found himself again upon the left bank, pursued, tumbled into the ditches by the Florentine cavalry, cut down by the arrows of the infantry and carbines of the longest range.1 To rally was impossible, still more so to return to the charge. Even the time lost in arming themselves turned to the advan- tage of the Florentines, for they arrived like a reserve, fresh and ready for their exhausted adversaries. Nature, too, lent them her aid ; at sunset a violent wind blew from the moun- tain, raising dust in the eyes of those Milanese that had not yet run away. The defeat was complete. The standard of the ducal cap- tain fell into the hands of the conquerors, with a large number of arms and men and horses. But according to Neri Capponi, an irrefutable authority upon the subject, out of 1940 prisoners, there were only 400 soldiers ; the rest were people from Borgo, mere scum of the battlefield. Out of twenty-six, twenty-two chiefs were taken ; only six were brought to the camp, their friends in the Florentine army having procured the evasion of the others.2 Neri is silent upon the number of the slain ; but we must not take seriously Machiavelli's ugly joke about one solitary dead man fallen from his horse and trampled under foot ; 3 it was made to discredit the mercenaries, and history was not its place. Other authors mention from forty to sixty 1 Decembrio, xx. 1082. 2 Neri Capponi, xviii. 1195; Boninsegni, p. 73; Decembrio, xx. 1082; Simoneta, xxi. 292 ; L. Bruni, xix. 942 ; Poggio, xx. 413 ; G. B. Poggio, Vita di Nic. Pice., p. 167 ; Machiavelli, v. 83 A ; Ammirato, xxi. 28 ; Fabroni, p. 82, and letter of Michele Attendolo to Cosimo, July 7, 1440 ; ibid., Doc., p. 147. Here L. Bruni is nearly as great an authority as Neri Capponi, for he was one of the Ten of the War. He died four years later, and his Commentary goes no farther, which is less celebrated than his History, but just as elegant, and perhaps more useful. See again a letter of the legate, Scarampi, to the inhabitants of Spoleta in Graziani, Cron. di Perugia (Arch, stor., 1st ser. xvi. 459, n. i), and Cipolla, p. 472. 3 Machiavelli, v. 83 A. 1440] TARDINESS OF THE FLORENTINES. 33 slain, and speak of from two to four hundred wounded.1 For such a success but little blood was spilled. Montesquieu would have reproached the Florentines as he did Hannibal for not having followed up their victory. The next day, June 30, Neri Capponi wanted to rush upon Piccinino and the 15,000 men that were left him; but it was too late, since the defeated had had the night to get away ; and yet, save Orsini and Micheletto,2 there were none to follow him to regain lost time. They gave as excuses their wounded, their prisoners, their booty — even the heat of the day, when they had lost the morning in discussion. However, the burning sun, which pre- vented them from pursuing Piccinino, did not prevent them from hurrying to Arezzo to put their booty in security. Thus Piccinino had ample leisure to beat a retreat towards Romagna. It was only on the 1st July that the Florentines thought of replacing him at Borgo San Sepolcro, without even knowing to whom the place would belong. In their fright, the inhabitants wished to swear allegiance to the Republic ; to avert the legate's anger, it was necessary to turn them from this idea, for had they not engaged verbally to return to the Church all the ancient possessions of the Church that should be regained ? 3 The legate was not to be reconciled because the Florentines had learned to shout " Long live the Church ! " 4 He separated himself from his allies with half the army to re-establish throughout the Papal States pontifical authority.5 But his master, short of money, was more manage- 1 Biondo Flavio de Forli (Historiarum ab inclinatione Romcmorum imperii Liber, Venice, I5th century edit., in Gothic characters, not paged) says 70 slain and 800 wounded among the Milanese ; of the Florentines, 10 dead and 200 wounded. Poggio (xx. 414), 40 Florentines slain and 200 wounded, 10 of which died of their wounds. According to Ammirato (xxi. 28), the artillery overthrew 600 horses on the battlefield. 3 Micheletto declares himself of Neri's opinion. See letter quoted in Fabroni, Doc., p. 148. 3 Neri Capponi, xviii. 1195 ; Boninsegni, p. 73; Machiavelli, v. 83 A; Ammi- rato, xxi. 29. 4 Letter of the Commissaries to the Ten, July I, 1440, in G. Capponi, ii. 24, n. 2. 5 Machiavelli, v. 83 B ; Ammirato, xxi. 29. VOL. I. C 34 HARSHNESS OF COSIMO. [1440 able; for 25,000 ducats he gave up all the property of Borgo San Sepolcro. Although less important than Lucca, Borgo was worth something ; she guaranteed Tuscany from the offensive return of the Milanese ; she transported the seat of war farther off ; above all, she upset the intrigues of the exiles, and offered a chance of finishing with them. Cosimo, like the oligarchy of old, was fortunate at the dawn of his power. He could act harshly : he was naturally severe ; such was his reputation even before his triumphant return. Under him Florence changed some of her best customs. In the olden times, when she exiled the husband, she tolerated the wife ; Dante's wife was allowed to remain in her dwelling and watch over her husband's interests. But he forbade the wife of an exile to pass through her native town. Francesco Gianfig- liazzi was proscribed with all his family. His daughter-in-law lay ill at Sienna, his son at Bologna. The unfortunate mother, nursing the one, wanted to go to the other. Her shortest road was by Florence. She passed through in disguise. The first time she escaped, but not the second time. Returning, she was captured and subjected to torture. Cavalcanti saw her, her members disjointed, arms upheld by two berrovieri, carried to the Stinclie, to the quarter reserved for women of ill- fame.1 When he could not get hold of a man, Cosimo dishonoured him. He had his principal enemies, Einaldo and his son Ormanno, Ludovico des Rossi, Lamberto des Lamberteschi, Bernardo Barbadori, Stefano Peruzzi, Baldassare and Niccolo Gianfigliazzi,2 painted in a state of nature, hung from the feet, and placed upon the facade of the Pedestal palace. Under the new reign, it was the poet-hangman's important 1 April or May 1440. Cavalcanti, 1. xiv. c. 4, vol. ii. p. 107. 2 " Eorum figuris et pitturis ad naturale detraendis " (Act of Condemnation, 6th and I3th July 1440. Commiss. Rin., iii. 667). The painter charged with the commission owes him his name and renown. It was Andrea del Castagno, called " degli impiccati," died in 1457, whom Vasari charges with the same office for the Pazzi, condemned in 1478, while in reality it was Sandro Botticelli. M. Guasti proves this (Commiss. Rin., iii. 669). See lower down, p. 396. 1440] COSIMO'S VICTIMS. 35 function to explain the picture by infamous verses. The profits and the privileges belonged to Antonio Palagio. He was buffoon of the Signory, and his duty was to sing during the meals of the priors moral songs and poems upon the great deeds of the Republic.1 In 1430 he was devoted to the Albizzi. Delighted with his courtesy, Rinaldo, as a distinguished mark •of confidence, gave him his letters for the Ten.2 In 1 440, in his verses to order, he called Rinaldo " an ungrateful traitor, the cruellest and wickedest of all ; " Ormanno is " rough and deceitful ; " Rossi is " a liar, bold in words and cowardly in action ; " Lamberteschi, " brainless ; " Barbadori, " the son •of the spoiler of churches and hospitals ; " Niccolo Gianfig- liazzi, " a mule and a bastard, traitor to his country and his God."3 The chief reproach against the creator of these finished poems is to have turned with the wind like a weathercock ; but his victims are not all worthy of respect, and notably upon the last-named much more might have been said had there been space in an explanatory verse. Abbot of Passignano, Niccolo Gianfigliazzi was accused by peasants before the Holy See of adultery and sacrilege, of having converted his abbey into a place of ill-fame, of having used the sacred cup- board, in which the head of the glorious St. John Gualbert was preserved, to violate a young girl whom he had been charged to exorcise.4 But the undeniable misdemeanours of the few were noisily quoted, and odiously used against all the defeated of the oligarchy. 1 Commits. J?in., iii. 669. This buffoon was of good family, and had in the Church of the Servi a tomb, and even a chapel. See Letters di tin Notaro, ii. 86, n. I. Del Palagio is often mentioned in these letters. 2 Letter of Rinaldo to Ormanno, February 3, 1430 (Commits. LIV. Rin.> iii. 345). 3 See these verses in Commits. Kin., iii. 670. They were also published in Cavalcanti, Append. II. 577, from MS. belonging to G. Capponi, and in the Testi di lingua inediti of Guglielmo Mansi, Rome, 1816. * " Che la badia era ridotta a bordello . . . 1'armario ove sta la testa del glorioso S. Gualberto come letto a piumaccio adopero ad ingravidare una fanciulla . . . con la medicina, non che gli cacciasse lo spirito, ma egli gliene aggiunse uno di nuovo " (Cavalcanti, 1. xiv. c. 5, vol. ii. p. 109). 36 RINALDO DE ALBIZZI. [1440 Violence, once open, now became hypocritical ; outside, every- thing was handsomely painted. Liberty was never more spoken of than in the public documents of the day. The word is mentioned in nearly every line.1 Amongst the mouthers there were a few honest souls, and they were duped by Cosimo's affected modesty. These dupes clearly saw that Rinaldo's return would not advance liberty, but they failed to see that with Cosimo liberty was merely a word and a snare, and that the only difference was to groan under one tyrant, or groan under many. For the exiles this time everything was at an end, and hopeful as Rinaldo had hitherto been, he was now quit of illusions. Old as he was, he thought of a voyage beyond the seas;2 since the year 1406 he had vowed to go to the Holy Sepulchre,3 and it was easy enough to send away Ormanno and his ungrateful and insubmissive son.4 He had just mar- ried one of his daughters, betrothed in prosperous times to Piero Panciatichi, and jilted by this practical person in the hour of disgrace,5 to Gherardo Gambacorti, son of the ancient lord of Pisa. The old athlete considered himself free, when death seized him in Ancona, on the point of departure, in the midst of his family.6 Of his three sons, not one saw Florence again. Two, Maso and Giovanni, were already citizens of Ancona before their father's death.7 The eldest, Ormanno, basely compromised the dignity of an exile. Needy and wishing to draw his wife's 1 See sentence of Rinaldo and others, Commiss. Rin., iii. 666. The words " free " and " liberty " are to be met with four times at least. 8 " Cum ejus setatem et amos considero, vereor ne maris tedium ac labor ejus senectutem obruat." (Letter of Francesco Filelfo, October 18, 1440, Commiss. Rin., iii. 673.) 3 In his notes, dated December 19, 1406, we find, "Promissio sancti sepulcri" (Commiss. Rin., xvii. i. 116). 4 " Dum tibi mavis quam patri obsequi, omnibus es ridiculo " (Letter from Filelfo to Ormanno, October 30, 1444, ibid.). 6 Cavalcanti, 1. xiv. c. 35, vol. ii. p. 151. 6 M. Guasti establishes this date. See Commiss. Rin., iii. 677. Cf. Machia- velli, v. 83 ; Ammirato, xxi. 32. 7 February 24, 1441 (Commiss. Rin., iii. 68 1). 1440] EXPULSION OF COUNT POPPI. 37 dowry, lie sent her to Florence, knowing that she risked her liberty and life. Wanting a loan of a hundred ducats, he applied to Giovanni de' Cosimo, son of his father's mortal •enemy.1 The first of the family that was allowed to return to their country was the grandson of Maso, a great-grandson of Einaldo, and that only in I478,2 in the time of Lorenzo, Piero's son. Neither Piero nor Cosimo had regarded these degenerate folk as harmless. It was necessary to follow at once the fortunes of this family, great in the past, in the first place, because its complete defeat shows the rapid and open acquisition of power by Cosimo, and then because such was the fate, long since forgotten, of many a family who had not a Passerini like the Alberti, or a Guasti like the Albizzi, to retrace and record their vicissitudes. We return to the day succeeding the battle of Anghiari, and to the other consequences of this great success. The possession of Borgo San Sepolcro promised ample fruits of victory and an opportunity of gathering them. Bernardetto de' Medici, one of the commissaries of the army, forced several places into submission.3 Neri Capponi, his colleague, and Niccolo Gambacorti, took possession of the rebel castles in the Casentino, and drove Battifolle from his hereditary lands. The imprudent Count of Poppi was the last of the Guidi to exercise sovereignty in Tuscany. His departure was not unaccompanied by outrage. As he retired with his wife, his children, and forty laden mules (July 31),* Neri Capponi said to him, with harsh irony, " You are free to go and play the great lord in Germany." " I should like to see you there," replied the insulted man, and the offender laughed in his face.5 It was customary in 1 See the two letters in Commiss. Rin., iii. 680-681. 2 M. Guasti gives the documents (ibid., p. 682). 8 Valialla, Monteagutello, Monterchi. See Bernardetto's letter to the Ten, July 4, 1440, in G. Capponi, ii. 25, n. I. . * Fragments of letters of July 25 and 31, in G. Capponi, ii. 25, n. 2 ; Bonin- segni, p. 74; Bonincontri, xxi. 150; Poggio, xx. 414; Machiavelli, v. 84 A ; Ammirato, xxi. 31. 5 Neri Capponi, La Cacciata del Conte di Poppi, xviii. I2-2O. 38 COSIMO'S DESIRE FOR PEACE. ['44<> Florence to sneer at the fallen1 and overwhelm the conquerors with admiration. Neri and Bernardetto were " wreathed in triumphant gifts." 2 The Council decided to offer them the honour of knighthood, and in case they refused it, to give them a pennant, a harnessed horse, a magnificent casque, and a buckler with the arms of the people. These gifts they accepted, and others of a like sort, from the parte guelfa? They passed for good captains solely because Mich el e Attendolo had shown some military instinct. This was because the results obtained were worth something. They might have been greater by the pursuit of Piccinino,4 but, as we have seen, it was not the commissaries' fault if Piccinino had found retreat so easy. Delighted with his success, Cosimo desired no further vic- tories ; he wished for peace to assure his conquests, as well as- firmly to establish his power. In the happy period of his ascending fortune, he had not long to wait for repose ; in Lom- bardy even the most warlike were beginning to weary of the vicissitudes of war. Now conqueror, then conquered, never pushing his advantages to their limits because he had his future father-in-law to humour,5 Sforza might have paid dearly for his tactics if Piccinino, who by his clever strategy had besieged him in his camp,6 had not compromised an almost assured triumph by a political blunder. He made the mistake of believing that the hour had come to make terms with the Duke ; he wrote saying that at the age for retirement, and after so many services, he did not even possess a corner of ground for burial, and he demanded 1 See in Ammirato (xxi. 30), towards Eufrosina, widow of Bartolommeo de' Pietramala, when obliged to yield them Monterchi. 2 Cavalcanti, Seconda Storia, c. 16, ii. 158. 8 Neri Capponi, Comment., xviii. 1197; Boninsegni, p. 73, simply says, " Donarona di cavalleria," without mentioning refusal of belt, which Neri hints. 4 Machiavelli, v. 83 A. 6 See details in 1st. Bresc., xxi. 820, 822 ; Sabellico, 1. v. ff. 628-642 ; Simoneta,. xxi. 289-302; Poggio, xx. 416, G. B. Poggio, Vita di flic. Pice., p. 169; Ammi- rato, xxi. 33. 6 Simoneta, xxi. 304; Neri Capponi, xviii. 1198; Platina, xx. 838; Sabellico,. 1. v. f. 634 ; Ammirato, xxi. 34. 1440] MARRIAGE OF SFORZA. 39 Plaisancia or his dismissal with so much noise and fuss that a like appetite grew among his comrades. Luigi de San Severino demanded Novaro ; Luigi del Verme, Tortona ; Taliano, Furtano ; Bosco, Figaruolo in Alexandrin ; and the others in proportion. In the absence of a legitimate heir, might not the Duke's heritage be cut up even during his life- time ? x But the Duke took the proposal ill. He preferred to yield to his enemies than to his exacting followers ; he advanced a pretext admirable on his part and in his century — respect for his word. At the last moment he remembered that he had promised his daughter to Francesco Sforza. Seriously this time, although in private, he offered him the position of arbitrator, and promised him Cremona as a dowry, with its territories as a mortgage for that which Piccinino had taken in the territories of Bergamo.2 Piccinino was in despair ; another had reaped what he had sown. But threatened with a worse fate, even with being handed over to his rival,3 he played a bad game with a pleasant face. When he and Sforza met, these two good Christians flung themselves into each other's arms, repeatedly kissed one another on the lips, and shed tears of joy.4 The camps intermingled, and appeared as one at feasts and festivities. It was the marriage of a middle-aged man of forty with a child of sixteen (October 24), and when it was solemnised, Sforza took posses- sion of Cremona and Pontremoli.5 He had not lost anything by waiting, and a handsome heritage crowned his patience. Abandoned by him, Venice and Florence necessarily fell under his arbitration. At Cavriana, November 20, 1441, he dictated to them the conditions of peace. As usual, each of the contracting parties recovered what he had lost in the hostilities. 1 Simoneta, xxi. 306 ; Machiavelli, vi. 85 B ; Ammirato, xxi. 35. 2 Simoneta, xxi. 306. 8 Sabellico, 1. v. p. 645 ; Platina, xx. 838 ; Machiavelli, vi. 85 B ; Ammirato, xxi. 35. 4 1st. Bresc., xxi. 828 ; Poggio, xx. 418 ; G. B. Poggio, Vita di Nic. Pice., p. 169. 6 Bonincontri, xxi. 82. The marriage contract, dated October 24, 1441, will be found in the Archivio Sforzesco, Nat. Lib. MS. Ital., 1583, f. 14. 4o PEACE OF CAVRIANA. [1441 This was an arrest of warlike ambition. In Venice, satisfied or resigned, Sforza could rejoin the Florentine negotiators, Neri Capponi and Agnolo Acciajuoli, without fear of the tragic fate of Carmagnola, which his very prudent father-in-law had held up to him as a prospect.1 Florence was beside her- self with joy ; her old condottiere, her ally of yesterday, was powerful ; she could economise and set in order her prey of the Casentino. Her prudent master had realised his wishes; he was going to enjoy his strength. The least content was Eugene IV. If he recovered Komagna, if he averted the settlement of Piccinino in Perugia and Sienna,2 he quite understood that he could not recover from the mediator, the arbitrator of peace, what he possessed among the ecclesiastical lands.3 This was the black cloud, destined soon to increase and announce fresh storms. 1 The text of the treaty may be seen in the Archivio Sforzesco, copies No. 1597, ff. 17-32. 2 Neri Capponi, xviii. 1199. 3 Simoneta, xxi. 340; Neri Capponi, xviii. 1198 ; Sanuto, xxii. 1102; Sabellico, 1. v. f. 645; Poggio, xx. 419; Navagero, xxiii. 1108; Machiavelli, vi. 85 B; Ammirato, xxi. 36. CHAPTER II. ESTABLISHMENT OF COSIMO BY HIS HOME POLICY. I435-I444- Cosimo's efforts to draw the Council of Bale and Ferrara to Florence— The Pope and the Greek Emperor at Florence (January 27, February 16, 1439) — Meeting of the Council at S. M. Novella (February 26) — Debates upon the union — Closing sitting (July 6) — The advantages of the Council to the Florentines — Cosimo's bad government — The rivalry between Cosimo and Neri Capponi — Attack upon latter warded off — Baldaccio d'Anghiari — His past life — Murder of Baldaccio (September 6, 1441) — Indignation of Italy — Neri Capponi's decline — Financial administration of Cosimo — Repeal of the catasto (1441) — The scala or progressive tax — Multiplicity of taxes — The graziosa tax (1443) — The severities of collectorship — Emigration — Condemnation of the morosi — Dishonesty towards the state creditors — Jobbing the titles of the monti — Moral consequences of private ruins — State usury — The persistent opposition of the upper classes — Balie to overcome them (1444) — Fresh severities — Balie to nullify lot-drawing— Revision of the laws and statutes. WHILE the political and military events recorded in the pre- ceding chapter were being accomplished abroad, at home Cosimo, who profited by them without directing them, ruled in all things. Already, according to Guicciardini, he was absolute master, and, as was his wont, sought only his own interest.1 He was clever enough to find it more than once in the general good. At the outset he obtained for Florence the honour, vainly sought by the oligarchy, of becoming the seat of a Council. In 1408 the Albizzi had been obliged to con- tent themselves with one at Pisa under their protection, and the Council of Pisa, without achieving aught for religion, had not benefited the Eepublic.2 The Council of Florence was 1 "Avendo i Medici sempre per ultimo fine il ben suo particulare . . . che ad ognuno fussi noto che loro erano i padroni assoluti " {Del reggimento di Firenze, Ofere inedite, ii. 41, Flor., 1858.) 3 See our Hist., vol. vi. p. 170-176. 42 GREEK AND LATIN CHURCHES. ['437 destined to hold another place in history, and to serve the interests of the town that gave it hospitality, still more those of the ambitious family who had turned this stream of wealth towards the Arno. Quite recently the fathers of Bale, violent in the pursuit of the work of Constance, had summoned Eugene IV. before them, and upon his refusal to appear had declared him guilty of con- tumacy (October I, I437).1 It was a new schism in pro- spect. The ambassadors of the princes had for the most part protested, and the Pope was bold enough to transfer the Council to Ferrara.2 This was not a retort inspired by spite, for the idea was an old oue, justified by serious reasons. He had long been in negotiation with the Byzantine Emperor. John Paleologos, threatened by the Turks and in need of pro- tection for his crown, was by no means averse to a union of the Greek and Latin Churches ; 3 but he, and still more his clergy, had no desire for a distant voyage to some town in France or Germany ; he had refused Bale, Avignon, and the towns of Savoy.4 Then Eugene had proposed Ferrara ; if need were, he would have proposed Constantinople, and would have deputed a legate to preside.5 These negotiations had at an early period suggested to Cosimo the hope of attracting the Council to Florence. As early as July 3, 1436, he addressed formal proposals to Bale. As he promised the seventy thousand florins claimed by the cardinals and prelates for changing their seat, he believed himself assured of success. On August 28 of the same year all the provisions were made ; and as for the pen- sions, the choice of abode, the prices of food, the Signory left 1 Ann. Eccl., 1437, § 18, vol. xxviii. p. 248 ; Labbe, vol. xii. p. 592. See Sis* mondi on the Council, vi. 91 sq., and Reumont, Lorenzo de1 Medici il Magnifico^ c. 7, vol. i. p. 170 sq., Leipzig, 1874. 2 Labbe, vol. xiii. p. 876. 8 See, on origin of this question, Vast, Le Cardinal Bessarion, 1. i. c. 4, 37 sq. Paris, 1878. * Ann. Eccl., 1434, § 13, vol. xxviii. p. 176; Labbe, xiii. 578, 580. 8 Ann. Eccl., 1435, § 8, vol. xxviii. p. 192. 1437] NEGOTIATIONS FOR A COUNCIL. 43 all to the discretion of the legate.1 The Greeks, they wrote, are to have twenty-five houses dbsque ulla mercedis pensione. It was arranged to send two large armed galleys to Constan- tinople to meet them, with the Emperor and the Patriarch, leaving two others to guard the capital during the absence of its sovereign. If seventy florins were not enough, the Florentines would go as far as a hundred.2 The rumour having spread that the approach to Florence was insecure, the Cardinals of St. Sabina and St. Peter were reassured on October 30 : it was false to say that Piccinino had appeared outside the gates of the town ; it was on the territory of Lucca, and as Sforza had opposed him, he had not advanced farther. A little later (December 24) there was a protest against the assertion that the Eepublic was in league with the Pope ; it entertained for him only the respect due to his dignity.3 Lying has always been diplomatic ; but this impudent specimen can only be explained by some reticence or abuse of word or interpretation. During the year 1437 the negotiations were continued. There were objections to overcome ; it had to be established " that no country is richer than Florence, or produces a better quality of wine, oil, wheat, and fruit. It is an orchard with more country-houses than elsewhere. The fertile lands of Prato, Pistoia, Pisa, Arezzo ensure wealth. The buildings are admirable. Who speaks of civil war ? There are only four or five exiles of mark. Of a citadel there is no need. Finally, the approach to Florence is easy, whether you travel by sea as far as Pisa, or land at Ravenna and cross Italy by the road of Rimini." 4 To the great disappointment of Florence, Ferrara neverthe- less obtained the preference. The Council opened on January 8, 1438, but was sparsely attended. The Greeks, the Emperor, 1 Doc. in Giuseppe Miiller, Documenti snlle relazioni delle citta toscane colli Oriente cristiano e cot Turchifino alF anno I53i> P- 159- Flor., 1879- 2 Gius. M tiller, Docum,, p. 161. 8 Ibid., p. 162, 163. 4 Ibid., p. 167, 168. 44 COUNCIL OF FERRARA. [1438 the Patriarch of Constantinople were in no hurry ; one after another they arrived, the Emperor not until March 4.1 In April it was decided to await the Western princes and the fathers of Bale ; thus was time lost until October 8 ; then, after this long delay, was opened the first session of the two Churches.2 By this Cosimo was a little vexed. He kept up friendly relations with those fathers of Bale who had refused to come to Ferrara, lent them two thousand florins in gold, payable in indulgences granted to whoever should favour the reconciliation of the Greeks with Rome.3 But circumstances served him ; he was soon able to return to his design of securing the Council. Ferrara was not without its drawbacks; the Pope was afraid of a surprise on the part of Piccinino, now master of Bologna and Romagna, or of the departure of the Greeks, who were too near the sea and their own country, and were besides indisposed to settle in Italy, especially if the sound of arms reached them. He wanted money to meet their demands, and had only Cosimo to turn to, who promised him more than he gave if he would come to Florence. The plague decided him. It broke out in Ferrara, and, according to custom, every one fled.* On January 22, 1439, a nobleman of the Eastern Empire, John Dissipate, came to Florence on a mission to inspect the houses destined for the Greeks ; 5 a notable success, of which Venice was jealous. " You want the Pope," said the Venetian 1 Letter of the Signory of Venice to Marco Dandolo, spokesman with the Pope, February 17, 1438, in Buser, Die Beziehungen des Mediceerzu Frankreich, Append., p. 349. Cf. Vast, Le Card. Bessarion, 1. ii. c. I, p. 53 note, and 59. 2 The acta graca, a first-class source, in Labbe, vol. xiii. p. 5-824, and also in the collections of the Councils of Hardouin, vol. ix., and of Mansi, voL xxix. M. Vast gives carefully all the sources, ancient and modern. See Le Card. Bess., p. 47, 48, 56, 63, &c. 3 The act of restitution, dated August 31, 1438, was published by M. Luciano Scarabelli, Dichiarazione di documenti di storia piemontese, in Arch. Star., 1st sen vol. xiii. p. 299, note 3. • See our Hist., vol. vi. p. 96, 115, 238-242, 382, note I. 5 The Cardinal of Sant' Angelo wrote to Ferrara recommending Dissipate to Giuliano and Lorenzo des Medici. Doc., in Gius. Muller, p. 172. 1439] . COUNCIL OF FLORENCE. 45 lords, " you want the Council, you want Lucca; the entire world would not satisfy you." l On January 27, Eugene IV. made his entrance into Florence, where he had so long resided. He was followed on February 12 by the Patriarch, and on the 1 6th by the Emperor.2 A magnificent reception was accorded to the Em- peror. In order to have the official right to preside over these solemnities, Cosimo had himself named Gonfalonier of Justice. He came on foot with the Signory to meet Paleologos at the gates of the town. Leonardo Bruni, chancellor of the Repub- lic, conducted the Greek Caesar to the houses of the exiled Peruzzi, which were assigned him. The music of fifes and other instruments rent the air. An immense crowd in bright apparel gathered in the gaily decorated streets, at the windows, upon the walls, upon the roofs. Unfortunately a violent storm dispersed the crowd, all save the procession, which was obliged to shorten its rate, and reached its destination drenched to the skin.3 On the 26th February the Council met for the first time. Santa Maria Novello opened its doors, and, as in bygone days, Eugene IV. established himself therein. It was only on the 1 3th April that the debates on the union began. We need not report them here. We know that matters were other than satisfactory.4 Several members of the assembly wanted to leave ; upon the advice of Bessarion, Archbishop of Nicea, they were detained as captives ; even those who ventured into the country upon a pleasure party were arrested.5 Only a small minority pronounced for the union of the two Churches. One day, seeing the greater part abstain from voting, the Emperor cried out, " Why are the lower benches silent ? " This simple 1 Cavalcanti, 1. xi. c. 13, vol. ii. p. 25. 2 Leon. Morelli, DeL, xix. 170, 171 ; Boninsegni, p. 68. 3 Acta grceca, in Labbe, xiii. 1 20 ; De ingressu Gracorum in civitatem Flor.t ibid., p. 1032 ; Vast, 1. ii. c. 2, p. 75. 4 The debate may be followed in Vast, p. 78 sq, 5 Vast, p. 84. 46 RE-ESTABLISHMENT OF UNION. [H39 question worked sudden conversions. " Everybody accepts and consents," l replied the Archbishop of Nicodemia. And no one contradicted him. But of what use conversions when mistrust was born ? Small and well-packed commissions replaced the general sessions. Bessarion substituted diplomacy for his now futile eloquence ; he acted as intermediary between the Pope and the Emperor ; he negotiated the adhesions without much success at first. To secure a sufficient number, it was neces- sary to deprive the Greek fathers of their small pension.2 This sacrilegious step has more than once succeeded. On the 6th July, in Santa Maria del Fiore, the closing sitting took place. The Pope officiated. The fathers, num- bering over five hundred, Greek and Latin, were robed in their grand sacerdotal costumes. Cardinal Cesarini read aloud the Latin text of the decree, and Bessarion the Greek.3 Each held the two texts in two columns upon a long parchment. Then they embraced in token of established union. A long procession ended the proceedings ; all the Greeks, with the Emperor at their head, then all the Latins, knelt to the Pope. After six centuries of separation the agreement was an event. To preserve its memory, an inscription was engraven upon marble beside the sacristy of the Duomo. This was wise, as the solemn act was not lasting ; later, the Greek Church rejected the union, except a small congregation, which even to-day is called in the East the United Greeks.4 1 Syropoulus, sect. viii. c. 5, in Vast, p. 84. 2 Vast, p. 104, 107. 3 Ammirato (xxi. 19) says, instead of naming Bessarion, "a Greek prelate whose name he does not remember." However, Bessarion was well known and well thought of. 4 Ann. Eccl., 1439, § I, vol. xxviii. p. 289 ; Labbe, xiii. 509 ; Boninsegni, p. 70 ; Ammirato, xxi. 15-19 ; Gibbon, ch. 66, Penth. Lite, ed., vol. ii. p. 840-844 ; Vast, p. 108. Copies of the union are to be found in the Laurentina and the Archivio di Stato, with the signatures of the popes, the emperors, and the fathers (G. Cap- poni, ii. 14, note). Cf. Cecconi, Studi storici sttl Concilia di Firenze ; Paul Calligas, Professor of the Faculty of Law at Athens, MeX«(rat Ka.1 Xo-yot, four studies, of which the first concerns the Council of Florence, Athens, 1882, vol. i. 8vo, 550 pages ; Warschauer, Uber die Quellen zur Geschichte der Florentiner Concils, inaugural address, Breslau, 1881 ; Markos Rinieri, 'loropwcai ,ueX